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April 19, 2018

April 18, 2018

India: CPI(M), AAP, Swaraj Abhiyaan, KPJP & other minor parties likely cut into vote of big parties in 2018 Assembly polls in Karnataka

Minor parties likely to play spoilsport for Cong, BJP in Karnataka polls

Opinion polls are predicting a tough contest in Karnataka assembly elections with minor parties like KPJP hoping to win a few seats and decide the contest in others.

india Updated: Apr 19, 2018 01:17 IST

Protest in UK - 'Modi go home' placards & protest outside Downing Street and British parliament (18 April 2018)

Reuters
April 18, 2018 / 6:19 PM / Updated an hour ago

Prime Minister Modi confronted by angry protests in London

3 Min Read


India: Courses to Train Pandits, Experts in Religious Tourism and Vaastu Shastra at JNU

JNU Proposes Courses to Train Pandits, Experts in Religious Tourism and Vaastu Shastra

With the new courses, the dean of the new SSIS intends to ‘break the image’ of Sanskrit. “It is an ancient language, which is also ultra-modern and suitable for computers,” said Girish Nath Jha.

Eram Agha | News18.comEramAgha
Updated:April 14, 2018, 12:32 PM IST
 

India: Don’t club Kathua, Unnao with religion. God-fearing men across all religions rape | Taslima Nasreen / Beyond Misogyny. Untangling Kathua And Unnao - Response by Apoorvanand

The Print

Don’t club Kathua, Unnao with religion. God-fearing men across all religions rape

Protest at India Gate
People take part in a candlelight march at the India Gate in protest over Kathua gangrape case, in New Delhi|PTI
Had the girl been a Hindu and not a Muslim, perhaps those men would have captured, imprisoned, raped, and finally killed her in exactly the same way.
From Europe and America the news has come of Christian priests raping young boys inside Catholic churches. I haven’t investigated how prevalent it is in other Muslim countries, but I have often read in the newspapers of Bangladesh about Imams raping children in mosques, of a teacher at a madrasa raping a four, five, or six-year-old girl student inside the madrasa.
Now I’ve been told that some people brought an eight-year-old girl into a temple in Jammu and gang-raped her. One of the accused is Sanji Ram, who had the responsibility for looking after the temple. His relatives as well as two police officers, their friends, kept the eight-year-old girl imprisoned inside the temple and raped her. The girl used to take horses out to graze in Jammu. When one of her horses was lost, she went looking for it in the jungle, which is when the gang of rapists captured her and imprisoned her in the temple. After raping her for several days in succession, the valiant heroes smashed the girl’s head in with a rock and murdered her.
Had the girl been a Hindu and not a Muslim, perhaps those men would have captured, imprisoned, raped, and finally killed her in exactly the same way. Both the poor and the rich know that killing the poor usually reduces the chances of trouble. I don’t believe that those men would have allowed the girl to walk unscathed in the jungle had she been a Hindu.
A rape takes place in India every 14 minutes. Hindu men rape Hindu women every day. They don’t spare anyone, from old women to one-year-old children. Muslim men rape in the same way. They don’t spare any women of any age. Those who rape are usually not interested in the name, address and religion of those they are raping. They’re only concerned with the body. Or they only consider the ‘valiance’. There is no lack of people in the world who think barbarity is bravery.
Raping the women of the enemy is nothing new. Like elephants, horses, land and houses of the enemy, their women too are considered property.
Subjugating the adversary by raping the women is an age-old practice. After killing the Jewish people in Arab lands, Prophet Mohammad had distributed the Jewish women amongst his militant companions for their pleasure. Pakistani soldiers raped two hundred thousand women in the Liberation War of Bangladesh. Both the troops and their victims were Muslims, but resistance was a bigger factor than religion. The Pakistanis looted and pillaged the homes of Bengalis and set them on fire, and raped the women. The war provided an opportunity.
To be honest, there is no war between Hindus and Muslims in India. It is true that some people are trying to provoke a conflict, but the conflict has not reached the proportion where Hindus will rape Muslim women in droves or vice versa. Hindu men have raped Hindu women a hundred times more than they raped Muslim women. It’s the same story with Muslim men. It is not as though either of them has vowed to rape women of the other religion alone. They do it when they get the opportunity.
Had Hindu men never raped Hindu women, I would have assumed the Hindu males of Kathua raped the eight-year-old girl because she was a Muslim. If Muslim men only raped Hindu women, I would have concluded that the war between Hindus and Muslims is increasing.
But society still has Muslims like Imdadul Rashidi, who did not want to start a riot by attacking his son’s Hindu murderers. There are still Hindus like Yashpal Saxena who prefer to forgive the Muslim murderers of his son rather than avenge his death. The Indian subcontinent needs Hindus like Yashpal Saxena and Muslims like Imdadul Rashidi.
In Uttar Pradesh, an 18-year-old woman has accused an MLA named Kuldip Singh Sengar and his brother of raping her. As many of us know, rape is not sexual intercourse, it is muscle power, male power.
It has not yet been proven whether MLA Kuldip Sengar has raped the woman from Unnao. But he did not rape the woman because he is a BJP MLA. He did it because he is a man. The powerful make arrangements to cover their tracks. And it is not a custom to punish the powerful.
The Kathua rape is being called communal, and it is being said that the rape in Unnao took place only because it was a BJP MLA. I believe that the rapists in both cases did what they did because they are men.
A patriarchal society has taught men that women are nothing but objects of gratification. Therefore there is no crime in gratifying themselves with women’s bodies in any way they please – no matter what their religion or age, what their caste or their lineage, rich or poor. And men have the right to humiliate them, to torture them, to crush them. Which is why men rape them. One rape every 14 minutes.
Rapes will continue unhindered in temples, mosques, churches and pagodas because the custodians of these ‘holy’ places are all God-fearing men. God-fearing men do not consider raping girls a sin as they are well-aware that everything – notwithstanding Ishwar or Allah or Bhagaban or their respective religions – is undeniably misogynous.
Taslima Nasreen is a celebrated author and commentator.

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The Print

Beyond Misogyny. Untangling Kathua And Unnao: A Response To Taslima Nasreen

Taslima Nasreen is wrong. The rapes in Kathua and Unnao were about more than misogyny.

Taslima Nasreen is not alone in wondering why the religious identity of the raped and murdered child of Kathua is being invoked while discussing the crime. Similarly, she fails to understand why the political affiliation of the accused is being referred to in the case of the rape of a girl at Unnao. Jammu and Kashmir and Uttar Pradesh, in this case, are united by the thread of brutalisation of their girls.
Taslima would like us to believe that it was only misogyny which drove the men at Unnao and Kathua to rape the girls. For her, the fact that the accused in Unnao crime being a leader of the BJP is not relevant. He did not rape the girl because he was a leader of the BJP, she says. She is absolutely right. But can we ignore the fact that the complaint of the victim was callously ignored simply because the accused is a leader of the party which is presently ruling Uttar Pradesh? And the party is BJP. The source of power that the accused wields is BJP.
Had it not been so, her father would not have to pay with his life for the audacity of the girl and her family to go public with their complaint. Had the accused been only an ordinary citizen like the victim, probably the police and the administration would have reacted differently. In this case, despite the public demonstration of the aggrieved woman and her family, neither the police nor the state government moved. It was only after the intervention of the High Court of the State forced the police to act. It was obviously the assurance of the patronage of the Party and the government which emboldened the accused and encouraged the police to victimise the woman and her family further. That the administration and the government did their best to protect the accused is so evident that only the eyes of Taslima Nasreen can miss it.
As in the case of Unnao, the facts don’t tell you everything about the horror the eight-year-old child had to go through in Kathua. What happens before and after the ‘fact’ is crucial to comprehend its meaning. Let us start with the after in the Kathua ‘incident’. The girl child could not be traced even after seven days of her disappearance. Nothing abnormal about that, we could say. After a long string of failed searches, the police subsequently found her dead body. Even the normal investigation started only after an agitation by the members of the community to which the child belonged. When the post-mortem report came and the special police team started its investigation, the trouble began. The leader of the police team is a Hindu. But the presence of a Muslim in his team who was chosen by him only was made an issue. So, first time, a religious angle was introduced in this case not by the victims but by the supporters of the accused.
We are talking about the ‘after’. When the police team finalised its report and was about to submit it in the court, the supporters and members of the community of the accused decided the report was biased against Hindus, that the credentials of police team were doubtful and there was an anti-Hindu bias in the whole report.
Please remember, this allegation had not been made by the family of the victim. They had not expressed suspicion against anybody. The agitation after the recovery of her body did not say that she was killed because she was a Muslim. The investigation revealed a conspiracy hatched by a man who is held to be deeply resentful of the Muslim Bakarwal community. The report connected the dots and presented a chilling narrative— How a long-nursed hatred against a community can lead one to commit an unspeakable crime!
This was only a report of the police and not a judgment of the court. It is possible that the case built by the police falls apart in the court and the accused are found not guilty. But the lawyers of Kathua and Jammu decided that it was a part of an anti-Hindu conspiracy. They created a ruckus in the court and later led a violent protest against the police. It is true that the accused did not commit the act on the command of the ruling BJP. But the two Hindu BJP ministers thought it necessary to intervene and demonstrate their support to the accused. They even trashed their own government. A minister of the central government justified the agitation of the lawyers of Kathua and Jammu calling it an expression of popular sentiment in the area.
Let us continue with the ‘after’. Another character makes her entry in the drama. The counsel, herself a Hindu, appearing on behalf of the family of the murdered child was threatened, called names and declared anti-Hindu. She felt so scared that she had to move the Supreme Court praying for her safety. The court had to order the State government to ensure security both for the family and the lawyer.
Now the ‘before’. It can also be taken as a coincidence that the child belonged to the nomadic Bakarwal community. It can also be another coincidence that a campaign of resentment against the community was going on in the area. Fear was spread among the local Hindu population that the Bakarwals would gradually outnumber them. It is again a coincidence that the Rohingya refugees were being presented as a threat to the region and the nation. They were portrayed as terrorists.
The before and after came together in the agitation (led by the lawyers)  after the report by the police was filed. The demands for eviction of Rohingays, the change in the rules for land use by tribals and the transfer of this particular case from the J&K police to the CBI were clubbed together. This is how the brutalisation of the little girl acquired religious angularity.
Taslima is right that rape is a secular act. But she must ask why did it have to be a Hindu Ekta Manch to lead the protest against the police investigation and why the Manch thought it fit to mix this demand with the other “anti-Muslim” demands!
Taslima is only partially right that there is no war going on between the Hindus and Muslims of India. Since she has received kind words from the BJP and the RSS, she cannot see that Muslims are under siege in India.
How easily can they (Muslims) be isolated from the secular processes can be seen through the fact that the only Muslim dominated State in India has been forced by agitation to ensure that no Muslim is a part of the prosecution team for this case. It has been announced to the shame of India that the prosecution team has persons with religious neutrality. Two Sikhs have been chosen to represent the State before the court. It is important for the State in India to keep away from Muslimness to be seen as impartial and not anti-Hindu. We rue our fall as a people. It is sadly strange that even after being a fiction writer, Taslima Nasreen cannot share this grief.
(Apoorvanand is a professor at the Hindi Department of University of Delhi.)

India is a ‘republic of fear’ - The UK must keep the pressure on Modi | Amrit Wilson

The Guardian
18 April 2018

India is a ‘republic of fear’. The UK must keep the pressure on Modi

The Indian PM is in Britain. Let’s hold him to account for the horrific rapes committed in the name of Hindu nationalism
As Indian prime minister Narendra Modi lands in the UK, the details of two horrific rape cases in India have emerged. Huge protests are rocking India and in London angry people of Indian origin are taking to the streets to protest against Modi’s policies.
It would be wrong however to see these cases as simply part of the violence against women which has been endemic in India. In Kathua, in Jammu and Kashmir state, an eight-year-old Muslim girl was abducted, drugged and brutally gang-raped and murdered in a Hindu temple by a group of men. According to the charge sheet of those arrested, it was planned and executed in order to terrorise the nomadic Muslim Bakarwal community to which she belonged and drive them out of the region. The attempt to lodge the charge sheet against the accused at a local court was followed by violent protests in their defence by a pro-Modi Hindu rightwing outfit, the Hindu Ekta Manch. Two BJP ministers attended the protests and urged the crowd to obstruct the prosecution of the accused.
In Unnao in Uttar Pradesh, where the chief minister is the BJP’s notorious preacher Yogi Adityanath, who has a record of hate speech, a 16-year-old girl was raped. Kuldeep Singh Sengar, a BJP member of the legislative assembly, has been arrested. When, after almost a year of inaction by the police, the family protested, the girl’s father was brutally assaulted by Sengar’s supporters, the family say, then he was arrested and died in custody.
In the face of mass protests Modi finally broke his silence over these events. He condemned the “incidents” and promised justice to “daughters” – although refusing to use the word “rape” – but has failed to recognise the culpability of his own supporters. The reason is clear: as feminist lawyer Vrinda Grover points out, “the Hindutva hate brigade is the BJP’s core constituency”. It is Hindutva, the ideology of the BJP and of the family of rightwing Hindu organisations it belongs to, which is today attempting to profoundly transform India into a monolithic Hindu nation from which minorities and dissidents are forcibly excluded.
The preachers of Hindutva, who are feted not punished, are responsible for an epidemic of brutal mob-lynchings of Muslims. Sometimes they are justified on the pretext that the victims have consumed beef or slaughtered cows. Sometimes simply being a Muslim is enough to invite violence. 15-year old Junaid, for example, was beaten to death on a train when out for Eid shopping. Afrazul Khan, a migrant worker, was killed with an axe and his body burned while a 14-year-old filmed the horrific scene.
At the same time the BJP has actively promoted the supremacy of upper castes and attacks on Dalits, who are still largely confined to poorly paid, dangerous and stigmatised menial occupations including manual scavenging. Most recently the government has attempted to dilute existing legislation supposed to protect Dalits from atrocities. In protests that followed, nine people were killed and thousands arrested. Targeted violence against Dalit activists continues.
Meanwhile there has been a series of assassinations of dissenters, among them the courageous feminist journalist Gauri Lankesh who was shot as she returned home from work in Bangalore in September last year.
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These developments are not a matter of uncontrollable religious hatred but a systematic move towards a fascistic Hindu state, led by a modern neoliberal party, which has its share of billionaires and hedge fund managers.
The writings of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, the revered icon of the Hindu right make Hindutva ideology and the notion of a Hindu nation crystal clear. In the context of rape, for example, he writes that the rape of Muslim women is justifiable and that not to do so when the occasion permits is not virtuous or chivalrous, but cowardly.
Such writings legitimised the rapes and murders of Muslim women in Gujarat in 2002, and the recent Kathua child-rape case. As feminist academic Tanika Sarkar wrote about Gujarat, “the pattern of cruelty suggests three things: One that a women’s body was a site of almost inexhaustible violence, with infinitely plural and innovative forms of torture. Second, their sexual and reproductive organs were attacked with a special savagery. Third, their children born and unborn shared the attacks and were killed before their eyes.”
As Modi arrives in London alongside his supporters, he will be greeted by thousands of protesters from the Indian diaspora. As the South Asia Solidarity Group, one of the key organisers, reminds us that “India is turning into a republic of fear but people across India are resisting this courageously. Their voices need to be heard – we are protesting here to support them, and to give Modi the message loud and clear that he is not welcome.”
Amrit Wilson is a writer and activist on issues of race and gender in Britain and South Asian politics.

India: What's Behind the Acquittal of Swami Aseemanand in the Mecca Masjid Blast Case - An inexperienced lawyer with ABVP connection as the main prosecutor

The Indian Express


Mecca Masjid blast: NIA prosecutor N Harinath has ABVP link
 
On Monday, an NIA court in Nampally acquitted five accused, including Swami Aseemanand, in the case. The NIA declined comment on the empanelment of Harinath — associated with only the Mecca Masjid bombing case — as a prosecutor.

Written by Rahul Tripathi | New Delhi | Updated: April 18, 2018 7:21:30 am

 Mecca Masjid blast: NIA prosecutor N Harinath has ABVP link The Mecca Masjid: the site of the blast (Express photo by Raaj Dayal)

NIA special public prosecutor N Harinath, engaged for the 2007 Mecca Masjid blast case, was associated with the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) as a student in Hyderabad and said Tuesday that he has continued to help the RSS-affiliated student body organise events.

On Monday, an NIA court in Nampally acquitted five accused, including Swami Aseemanand, in the case.

Harinath, who took over as the NIA prosecutor when the Mecca Masjid blast trial started in 2015, told The Indian Express: “When I was pursuing my second year in law I joined ABVP but have never been associated with the BJP. I have since been donating and helping them (ABVP) organise events.”

Read | Mystery red shirt found with unexploded IED at site never reached NIA

The NIA declined comment on the empanelment of Harinath — associated with only the Mecca Masjid bombing case — as a prosecutor.

Harinath also said he did not face any pressure from anyone to dilute the case. “From day one, we were working to secure the conviction in the case. When I joined in 2015, the trial was about to start and I was engaged by NIA after scrutiny of my application. I have provided them with the list of cases I have dealt in the past. I have been practising in criminal court since 1994 and have been a special public prosecutor for the Enforcement Directorate since 2011.”

Read | Five including Aseemanand acquitted, judge who delivered verdict resigns

According to Harinath, the NIA court while acquitting the accused observed that the confession of Aseemanand recorded before a magistrate in Delhi was not fair. “The entire prosecution case was based on the confession of Aseemanand, which was recorded before a magistrate in Delhi. In his deposition to court, the magistrate said Aseemanand was in police (CBI) custody when he was brought before him and after recording his statement he was taken into the police custody. The court concluded that it is not a fair confession.”

Under section 164 CrPC, the confession cannot be recorded before a police officer.

Aseemanand acquitted in Mecca Masjid blast case Aseemanand, one of the five acquitted Monday. (File Photo)

“The court observed that the case pertained to Hyderabad and the CBI could have got Aseemanand’s statement recorded before the magistrate here when he was in jail. The magistrate who recorded Aseemanand’s statement was a prosecution witness in the case,” he said.

Read | Among acquitted in Mecca Masjid blast: RSS leader convicted in Ajmer blast last year

Another reason they failed to secure the conviction, Harinath said, was witnesses turning hostile. “Had these witnesses supported the prosecution case, we would have secured a conviction,” he said.